One does, however, sacrifice with a cow, with a pig, or with a little cruet. But upon further reflection, in fact, the use of cruets and plates actually emphasizes the importance of the meal that concluded a Roman sacrifice. (ed.) This draws further support from the fact that the object referred to by the instrumental ablatives that accompany the verb sacrificare is almost never a knife, an axe, a hammer, or other weapon.Footnote 77 13 Peter=FRH F17. There is growing consensus that the answer is affirmative. Footnote Sacrifices of various cakes (liba, popana, pthoes) to the Ilythiae and to Apollo and Diana were part of Augustus celebration of the Secular Games in 17 b.c.e., a clear indication that vegetal offerings were not limited to the lower social classes.Footnote A parallel use of sacrificare is found in Apuleius Apologia 18, a passage which also shares Pliny's focus on poverty: paupertas, inquam, prisca aput saecula omnium civitatium conditrix, omnium artium repertrix, omnium peccatorum inops, omnis gloriae munifica, cunctis laudibus apud omnis nationes perfuncta. WebGreeks Romans Lived in small rural communities Polis functioned as the city-states religious center Greek Gods Sense of identity Polis isolated from one another and independent Sanctuaries to share music, religion, poetry, and athletics Classical Greek Orders basic design elements for architecture (sense of order, predictability, and The Romans then observed a regular set of expiatory rituals, most importantly offerings made to the goddesses Ceres and Proserpina by matrons of the city and the procession of a chorus of twenty-seven virgins. WebOne major difference between Greek and Roman religion and Christianity is their understanding of the concept of deity. 9.641. 1 Answer. Correct answer: What is a major difference between Greek and Roman temples? 19 Plut., RQ 52=Mor. In contrast, as I have pointed out, Livy uses the language of sacrifice to describe the second interment and in the next breath expressly distances Roman tradition from it, calling it a rite scarcely Roman (minime Romano sacro). Ernout and Meillet Reference Ernout and Meillet1979: 376 s.v. The expression rem dvnam facer, to make a thing sacred, Our author makes clear that the sacrifice of two Gauls and two Greeks happened alongside another ritual: the punishment of an unchaste Vestal Virgin. Although much work in anthropology and other social sciences has debated the relative merits of emic versus etic approaches, I find most useful recent research that has highlighted the value of the dynamic interplay that can develop between them.Footnote There is also evidence that the Romans had a variety of rites, only one of which was sacrificium, that involved presenting foodstuffs to the gods. 82. 55, The link between consumption and sacrifice is also reinforced by a second category of sacrificial items that Romans did not eat: animals, including human animals, that were not regularly included in the Roman diet. For this discussion, the metaphorical extension of the English word sacrifice, by which one can sacrifice for one's family or hit a sacrifice fly in baseball, is not relevant: this meaning is completely unknown to the Romans of the Classical period. 33 Flashcards. Footnote In both the passages from Pliny and Apuleius, the ritual implements are of diminutive size. Total loading time: 0 132.12). 100 Military commanders would pay homage to Jupiter at his temple after 97L: Immolare est mola, id est farre molito et sale, hostiam perspersam sacrare (To immolate is to make sacred a victim sprinkled with mola, that is, with ground spelt and salt), a passage which also suggests that the link between immolatio and mola salsa was active in the minds of Romans in the early imperial period when the ultimate source of Paulus redaction, the dictionary written by Verrius Flaccus, was compiled.Footnote Terms in this set (7) Which one 66 Instead they seem to have conceived of it as the ritual consecration of an animal which was afterwards killed and eaten. and Narbo in Gallia Narbonensis (CIL 12.4333, dated to 11 c.e.). 4.57. In overlooking the differences between the Roman idea of sacrificium and the modern idea of sacrifice, we lose some of the details of how the Romans perceived a core element of their own experience of the divine. 51 Arguably, then, it is the Christians who bequeathed to future generations the metonymic equivalence of sacrifice and violence, Knust and Vrhelyi Reference Knust and Vrhelyi2011: 17. Since Greeks were the first ones, Romans followed them. 29 176 and Serv., A. This statement and much of what follows is based on a series of searches in the Brepolis on-line database of Latin literature, Libraries A and B (http://apps.brepolis.net/BrepolisPortal/default.aspx) conducted throughout the summer of 2015. It is the only one of these terms that does not come to be used outside the realm of the divine. Hermes, who had winged feet, was the messenger of the gods and could fly anywhere with great speed. 283F284C; Liv., Per. 39 As has long been recognized, sacrificare and sacrificium are compounds of the phrase sacrum facere (to render sacred), and what is sacrum is anything that belongs to the gods.Footnote See, for example, Wilkens Reference Wilkens2006 and De Grossi Mazzorin and Minniti Reference De Grossi Mazzorin and Minniti2006. I concede that, to a certain extent, the insider-outsider lens does not show us difficulties that were previously invisible. a more expensive offering that dominates in literary accounts of sacrifice. I use ritual killing as a blanket term for any rite, including but not limited to sacrifice, that involves the death of a human being. On three occasions during the Republic (228,Footnote Every household has one or more shrines devoted to this purpose. ), Dictionnaire tymologique de la langue latine, Interpreting sacrificial ritual in Roman poetry: disciplines and their models, Rituals in Ink: A Conference on Religion and Literary Production in Ancient Rome, La mise mort sacrificielle sur les reliefs romains, La Violence dans les mondes grec et romain, Le sacrifice disparu: les reliefs de boucherie, Sacrifices, march de la viande et pratiques alimentaires dans les cits du monde romain, I reperti ossei animali nell'area archeologica di S. Omobono (19621964), Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia, Animal remains from temples in Roman Britain, The symbolic meaning of the cock: the animal remains from the, Roman Mithraism: the Evidence of the Small Finds, Archologie du sacrifice animal en Gaule romaine, Prodigy and Expiation: A Study in Religion and Politics in Republican Rome, Production and Consumption of Animals in Roman Italy, Re-thinking sacred rubbish: the ritual deposits of the temple of Mithras at Tienen (Belgium), Beyond Sacred Violence: A Comparative Study of Sacrifice, The Insider/Outsider Problem in the Study of Religion: A Reader, Views from inside and outside: integrating emic and etic insights about culture and justice judgment, Ricerche nell'area dei templi di Fortuna e Mater Matuta, Revue de philologie, de littrature et d'histoire anciennes, Etruscan Italy: Etruscan Influences on the Civilizations of Italy from Antiquity to the Modern Era, Why were the Vestals virgins? 29 Or the chastity of women and the safety of the state, Language in Relation to a Unified Theory of the Structure of Human Behavior, La vittima non un'ostia: Riflessioni storiche e linguistiche su un termine di uso corrente, Etruscan animal bones and their implications for sacrificial studies, Gste der Gtter Gtter als Gste: zur Konstrucktion des rmischen Opferbanketts, La Cuisine et l'autel: les sacrifices en questions dans les socits de la Mditerrane ancienne, Commentarii Fratrum Arvalium Qui Supersunt: les copies pigraphiques des protocoles annuels de la confrrie Arvale (21 av.304 ap. The only Roman reference to the sacrifice of a deer pertains to a Greek context: Ov., F. 1.3878 where the deer is sacrificed to Diana as a substitute for Iphigenia. This repeated coincidence of ritual performances suggests that the two forms of ritual killingFootnote Other than the range of items that can be polluctum, the only other thing we know about the ritual is that it involved an altar, which is, of course, the proper locus of sacrifice. 77 and for front limbs.Footnote 96 Some more support for the notion that these were not interchangeable can be drawn from material evidence, visual representations of the moment of ritual slaughter. Yet, part of the work of a Roman historian is to try to understand how the Romans understood their world, to be aware of anachronism in our accounts thereof, and to keep in mind that the sources never truly speak for themselves. sacrima. See, for example, citations from Pomponius and Afranius in Non. Max. Sacrificium included vegetal and inedible offerings, and it was not the only Roman ritual that had living victims. Contra Prescendi Reference Prescendi2007: 223. At present, large-scale analysis of faunal remains from sacred sites in Roman Italy remains a desideratum, but analysis of deposits of animal bones from the region seems to bear out the prevalence of these species in the Roman diet and as the object of religious ritual (whether sacrificium or not it is difficult to say).Footnote 94 The fundamental belief underlying the whole system appears to be that the human body is ugly and that its natural tendency is to debility and disease. Although they are universally referred to as votive offerings in the scholarly literature, it is possible that they are, technically, sacrifices. Devotio is frequently called self-sacrifice by modern scholars,Footnote Match. For example, think about the Roman and Greek mythologies about gods. Upon examination of the Roman evidence, however, it becomes evident that this distinction is an etic one: while we see at least two different rituals, the Romans are clear that they sacrifice a wide range of food substances beyond animal flesh. Possible Answers: Roman temples were built on the ruins of previous structures. At 8.10.1112, Livy notes that a commander could devote one of his soldiers rather than himself. The offering of a dog to Robigus may be the same ritual as the augurium canarium referred to by Plin., N.H. 18.14. To explain the decision to sometimes portray one weapon instead of the other, Aldrete posits that various gods, cults, and rituals may have dictated certain procedures or tools.Footnote Another major difference between Greek gods and Roman gods is in the physical appearance of the deities. The skeletal remains of dogs sometimes found interred with human remains or inside city walls are often interpreted as sacrifice by archaeologists.Footnote Yet the problem remains that dogs did not form a regular or significant part of the Romans diet, nor did wild animals of any sort.Footnote 61 Braga, Cristina Greek Gods vs Roman Gods. The prominence of animal victims in Roman accounts overshadows a substantial number of passages that make it absolutely clear that Roman gods received sacrifices of inanimate edibles. The elder Pliny, in his Natural History, discusses the high regard in which ancient Romans held simple vessels made of beechwood. thysa. As a comparandum, we can point to the Roman habit of creating votive deposits, collections of usually relatively inexpensive items buried in the ground: gifts to the gods that had been cleaned out of overstuffed temples and intentionally buried. Match. The ancients derived the term from magis auctus and understood it to mean to increase and by extension to honour with.Footnote Finally, both ancient societies have twelve main gods and goddesses. Greek gods had heavy emphasis placed on their Footnote mactus. 54 Those poor Nacirema, who despise their physical form and try to improve it through ritual and ceremony, at first seem so different from us: primitive, superstitious, unsophisticated. 18 Moses, Reference Moses, Brocato and Terrenatoforthcoming, table 8. 91 Two famous examples are found on the altar of Domitius Ahenobarbus (Ryberg Reference Ryberg1955: fig. 12 88 ex Fest. Schultz Reference Schultz2010: 5202. 58 80 Huet explains the rarity of killing scenes in sacrificial reliefs from Italy by pointing out that the emphasis in these reliefs is really on the piety of the sacrificant who stands before the altar.Footnote Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings. The most recent and most comprehensive analysis of the material details the criteria applied to the osteoarchaeological evidence for determining what is likely to be evidence for sacrifice.Footnote But one of the things that I consider quite interesting was the difference approaches that the Greeks and Romans had towards the Gods as a whole. Both Rhadamanthus and Aeacus were renowned for their justice. 58 Now, the Romans did not eat people, so how does their performance of human sacrifice reinforce the link between sacrifice and dining? Although they were not suitable as daily fare, there is evidence that several of the unexpected species from the S. Omobono deposit were edible on special occasions or in dire circumstances: they are surprisingly prevalent in magical and medicinal recipes. Ernout and Meillet Reference Ernout and Meillet1979: 411 s.v. Published by The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies. From here, we can speculate that sacrifice was not understood by the Romans primarily as the ritual slaughter of an animal. It is unfortunate that the ancient sources on vegetal sacrifice are as exiguous as they are: it is not possible to determine what relationship its outward form bore to blood sacrifice. 36 Furthermore, there is reason to think that the crucial moment, or perhaps the first crucial moment, in the whole ritual process of sacrificium for the Romans was the sprinkling of mola salsa onto the victim, whereas several important modern theorizations of sacrifice place the greatest emphasis on, and see the essential meaning of sacrifice in, the moment of slaughter. 2 63. 99 4.57) is not clear. Similar difficulties beset efforts, both ancient and modern, to reconstruct the technical differences among the concepts of sacer, sanctus, and religiosus: see Rives Reference Rives and Tellegen-Couperus2011. Ankarloo and Clark Reference Ankarloo and Clark1999: 756; Wilburn Reference Wilburn2012: 8790. Finally, it appears that some of these rites ceased to be performed by some point in the imperial period and that sacrificium continued for centuries. In fact, devotio is viewed positively by the Romans as a selfless, almost superhuman act of true leadership.Footnote 113L, s.v. 22.57.26; Cass. Var., L. 5.112; see also Cic., Har. In what follows, I aim to clear away a few of the accretions that have arisen from more than a century of modern theorizing about the nature and meaning of sacrifice as a universal human phenomenon in order to gain a better understanding of those actions that the Romans identify by the Latin words sacrificium and sacrificare.Footnote 3 The equation of sacrifice with the offering of an animal is not completely divorced from the ancient sources. The distinction is preserved by Suet., Prat. An exception is Scheid Reference Scheid2005: 52. The other rite observed by the Romans that required a human death was called devotio, and it seems to have been restricted to a single family father, son, and grandson (it is possible our sources have multiplied a single occasion), all of whom, as commanders-in-the-field, vowed to commit themselves and the enemy troops to the gods of the underworld in order to ensure a Roman victory. For many readers of Latin, the most obvious translation of the Latin is except a beechwood cruet with which he would offer sacrifice, taking quo as an instrumental ablative and thereby making the vessel an instrument of sacrifice rather than the object of sacrifice itself. 50, From all this, it is reasonable to conclude that the poor could substitute small vessels for more expensive, edible sacrificial offerings. Reference Morris, Leung, Ames and Lickel1999 and Berry Reference Berry, Headland, Pike and Harris1990. 2019. Mar. Another possible interpretation of the disappearance of some rituals from Latin literature is that the Romans no longer thought of them as distinct from one another, preferring to treat them all as sacrificium. It is commonplace now to treat sacrificium as a general category and to talk about magmentum and polluctum as moments within the larger ritual or special instances of it.Footnote A wider range of scholarly approaches is presented by McClymond Reference McClymond2008: 124. The closest any Roman source comes to linking devotio and sacrifice is Cic., Off. WebIn Greek mythology the king of gods is known as Zeus, whereas Romans call the king of gods Jupiter. Subjects. 56 The answers to these questions might reshape our understanding of what were the crucial elements of sacrificium. As proof, he recounts a story about M. The statues made in Greece were made with perfect people in mind often modeled after gods and goddesses, while the statues in Rome have all the faults a real person would have. While there is a growing body of work done on the osteoarchaeological material from other regions of the Empire, especially the north-western provinces,Footnote Moses, Reference Moses, Brocato and Terrenatoforthcoming. 59 For the difference in Roman attitudes toward human sacrifice and other forms of ritual killing, see Schultz Reference Schultz2010. Resp. As in the Greek world, sacrifice was the central ritual of religion. pecunia sacrificium makes clear that, despite its name, this ritual did not involve money. 55 2.10.34, quoting a letter of Varro, and Paul. 69 Greek Translation. 69a). ex. The most famous instance occurred annually at the festival of the Robigalia in June when a red dog and a sheep were sacrificed by the Flamen Quirinalis to ward off rust from the crops.Footnote Perhaps these reliefs preserve the performance of one or more of the rituals that seem to have faded in popularity by the high imperial period: magmentum and polluctum. Scheid Reference Scheid1998: nn. 1419). The exact nature of the connection between the two rituals is not clear, but I agree with Eckstein Reference Eckstein1982 that we should not see the sacrifice of Gauls and Greeks as some sort of atonement for the unchastity of the Vestals. and again in 114 or 113 b.c.e. Poverty, I say, is the ancient founder of all states throughout the ages, the discoverer of all arts, devoid of all transgressions, resplendent in every type of glory, and enjoying every praise among all the nations. [1] Comparative mythology has served a MacKinnon Reference MacKinnon2004: 5974. We also find that the gods were open to receiving sacrifices of vegetables, grains, liquids, and, when those were not available, miniature versions of the serveware that would normally have contained them. 40 B. Rives provided valuable consultation on specific points and V. C. Moses generously shared her work-in-progress on the osteoarchaeological evidence from S. Omobono. Roman sacrificium is both less and more than the typical etic notion of sacrifice. The description of Decius ensuing death is very spare and devoid of any sacrificial imagery or terminology. For a more extended analysis of the distinction between the punishment of unchaste Vestals and, on the one hand, sacrifice and, on the other, secular capital punishment, see Schultz Reference Schultz2012. That we cannot fully recover what were the critical differences among these rites is frustrating, but the situation is certainly not unique in the study of Roman religion. Marcos, Bruno In Latin, one does not sacrifice with a knife or with an axe. Plaut., Stich. The objectivity of the outside observer can also facilitate cross-cultural comparison. 68 To give just a single example, we know that there was originally some technical distinction among the different types of divine signs sent to the Romans by the gods. 216,Footnote WebFor example, the Peloponnesian War was primarily a struggle between two Greek city-states, Athens and Sparta, and was fought mainly on land and sea within the Greek world. ), the Romans followed instructions from the Sibylline Books to bury alive pairs of Gauls and Greeks, one man and one woman of each, in the Forum Boarium. It is entirely possible that the search for a single, critical moment where a change from profane to sacred occurs is, in fact, a modern preoccupation. 94. Aldrete counts at least fifty-six sculptural reliefs dating from the seventh century b.c.e. 57 17ac) and the Cancellaria relief (Ryberg Reference Ryberg1955: fig. Compare Var., R. 2.8.1. Hemina fr. Classicists generally assume that the modern idea of sacrifice as the ritual killing of an animal applies to the Roman context. 40 95 and Paul. See, however, C. Ando's concluding essay in Faraone and Naiden Reference Faraone and Naiden2012 along with A. Hollman's review of that same volume in BMCR 2013.04.44 and, in the same vein but with reference to ancient Egypt, Frankfurter Reference Frankfurter2011. 54 38 It is likely, but admittedly not certain, that the concept of sacrificium I delineate here was also at play in citizen communities throughout the Empire, at least at moments when those communities performed public rituals in the same manner as did people in the capital. The ancient Greek and Roman gods did not become incarnate the way Jesus was, did not enter the stream of real human history the way Jesus did, did not die as a This is a bad answer - I don't have sources available. It is my understanding that we lack a great deal of the sources needed for an emic unders Greeks call the queen Hera, whereas Romans queen of gods is Juno. Looking at Roman sacrifice through the insider-outsider lens lets us see more clearly that, for the Romans, sacrifice was both more and less than it is for many scholars writing about it today. Cic., Red. mactus; Serv., A. While vegetal and meat offerings were on a par, inedible gifts could be sacrificed only as substitutes for edible offerings when money was a concern. 22. Far less common in the S. Omobono collection, but still present in significant amounts, is a range of animals that do not seem to have formed a regular part of the Roman diet, such as deer, a beaver, lizards, a tortoise, and several puppies.Footnote

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